------
En 1919, una mujer entro a la sala de partos...
Nacia un nino, sano, libre, feliz.
lo llamaron: DANIEL BELL.
SU MAMA NUNCA PUDO IMAGINAR QUE:
SERIA PROFESOR UNIVERSITARIO...
Su mama nunca pudo imaginar que seria :
UN REVOLUCIONARIO DE LAS CIENCIAS
ECONOMIAS.
UN REVOLUCIONARIO DE LAS CIENCIAS
SOCIALES.
UN AUTOR CIENTIFICO : INNOVADOR...
Pero de todas maneras, LO AMAMANTO...
Lo amo, lo cuido....
LO EDUCO TODO LO QUE PUDO...
Y CUANDO YA NO PUDO MAS...
LO MANDO AL UNICO LUGAR...
EN LA TIERRA, DONDE UN NINO O NINA...
1. SALVAJE, jugueton...
2. SE DISCIPLINA y se convirte en un:
SER HUMANO INTEGRAL...
3. LO APUNTO A LA ESCUELA.
4. Lo acompano: A LA ESCUELA, para
sacar algo POSITIVO de sus manos,
de su CEREBRO...
DE SUS SUENOS...
EN EL TIEMPO, como dice:
RAYMOND POZO...
UN RAYMOND NO SE CONSTRUYE
EN UN DIA...
Su mama y su papa, tuvieron: PACIENCIA,
porque la TRAYECTORIA ESCOLAR de un
nino o de una nina, NO DAN FRUTOS :
ECONOMICOS...
1. NI EN UN DIA...
2. NI EN 5 ANOS...
3. NI EN 10 ANOS, para convertirse
en un CIENTIFICO TICs o en una:
CIENTIFICA TICs...
ASI QUE CON AMOR & MUCHA PACIENCIA...
1. LO ACOMPANARON al kinder...
2. Lo acompanaron a la ESCUELA
PRIMARIA....
3. Lo acompanaro a sus estudios de:
BACHILLERATO, con fe en su futuro,
COMO ELEMENTO :
UTIL,
PRODUCTIVO,
CREATIVO,
SENSIBLE,
en la ECONOMIA NARANJA, de su pais
y de la humanidad...
en la ECONOMIA CREATIVA, de la
humanidad...
ASI, DESPUES DE 12 ANOS, presentandose
a EXAMENES...
Cada ano...
EL NINO DANIEL BELL:
POR FIN SE HIZO BACHILLER...
Pero, como lo que mas abundan son :
BACHILLERES, el JOVEN casi hombre:
DANIEL BELL...
1. TUVO QUE ELEGIR EL CAMINO DE:
LA ESPECIALIZACION...
2. ESA ES LA UNICA RAZON POR LA CUAL
un nino o nina, un joven o una joven:
SE APUNTA A LA UNIVERSIDAD, para:
DESARROLLAR SUS TALENTOS
CIENTIFICOS, para en esa JUVENTUD,
EN ESAS AULAS,
EN ESOS TALLERES,
EN ESOS LABORATORIOS...
Llegar en el tiempo, DESDE LA :
MENTE -FACTURA, a ser alguien en :
LA VIDA...ADULTA...
1. PODER CONSEGUIR UN EMPLEO.
2. LA UNICA FORMA DE PODER LLEGAR
A :
CASARSE...
3. LA UNICA FORMA DE PODER INVENTAR
O FUNDAR UNA: MYPIME...
4. LA UNICA FORMA DE LLEGAR A SER:
UN HOMBRE O UNA MUJER, DE BIEN...
ADENTRO DE UNA ECONOMIA CONCRETA:
PERO TODO ALUMNO O ALUMNA, asiste,
se matricula, SE APUNTA A LA ESCUELA
& A LA UNIVERSIDAD, para que los cientificos
PAIDOLOGOS o EDUCADORES INFANTILES,
LES AYUDEN, desde KINDER, a visualizar,
desde las CIENCIAS TICs:
1. Como sera el futuro?
2. Como viviran las personas y las familias
en el futuro...
3. COMO TRABAJARAN LAS PERSONAS,
PARA PRODUCIR RIQUEZA, DESDE LA
MICRO-ECONOMIA, en el futuro?
4 COMO AHORRARAN para poder comprarse
SU PRIMERA CASA?
4. COMO INVERTIRAN en la industria o en el
sector inmobiliario, PARA TENER UNA:
PARCELITA, UNA PEQUENA FINQUITA,
con sus vacas, con sus huertos, con sus
arboles frutales, para DAR DE COMER
A SUS NINOS, cuando no tengan dinero
efectivo, CON LA AYUDA DEL CREDITO
PERSONAL & FAMILIAR, en los bancos,
en el sistema financiero, de su respectivo
condado,
paraje,
seccion,
municipio,
provincia,
region,
pais?
ES DECIR, COMO PERSEGUIR SUS SUENOS
Y LOGRARLOS:
1. DISENANDO.
2. ESTUDIANDO LOS MERCADOS.
3. ESTUDIANDO LAS NECESIDADES :
INSATISFECHAS EN SU COMUNIDAD.
4. PARA PODER :
INVENTAR, INNOVAR, DESDE LA :
MENTE -FACTURA, desde el talento
-cientifico & tenologico individual-
su primera MYPIME...
COMO UNIDAD PRODUCTIVA DE:
RIQUEZA A ESCALA MICRO, dentro
de una economia CONCRETA...
DENTRO DE UNA ECONOMIA:
ESPECIFICA...
1. RURAL.
2. URBANA
COMO UN ACTO SUPREMO DE FE:
EN SU PAIS,
EN SU FAMILIA,
FUNDANDO UNA :
INDUSTRIA O EMPRESA DE PROPIEDAD:
FAMILIAR...
1. Una nueva unidad de produccion de riqueza:
DESDE LA ECONOMIA NARANJA....
2. Una nueva unidad de micro-produccioin
dentro de las CIENCIAS TICs...
3. Una nueva unidad de la ECONOMIA
CREATIVA, en base a las ciencias exactas,
EN UN TERRITORIO, CONCRETO al
cual llamaremos:
MICRO-GEOGRAFIA ECONOMICA,
en su entorno:
1. SOCIAL.
2. CULTURAL.
3 DE CONSUMO & PROSUMOS inmediatos
de bienes y servicios, para:
3.1. SATISFACER NECESIDADES DE LA
SUPERVIVENCIA HUMANA...
1. COMO EL HAMBRE...
2. COMO EL SUENO...
3. COMO LOS SATISFACTORES
PROPORCIONADOS, por ciencias
exactas, como:
3.1. EL DISENO ARQUITECTONICO.
3.2. EL DISENO URBANISTICO.
3.3. LA INDUSTRIA DE LA CONSTRUCCION...
VIVIENDAS, PARA PERSONAS, para:
1. Seres humanos que :
SE HAN RECIEN CASADO...
2. TIENEN PLANES DE FORMAR O
COMPLETAR SUS FAMILIAS:
REPRODUCIENDOSE, MEDIANTE:
EL SEXO, la unica manera que la naturaleza
ha proporcionado, para LOGRAR:
UN EMBARAZO.
UN PARTO...
LA MANUFACTURA EN EL VIENTRE
DE LA MADRE, DE UN :
NUEVO NINO O NINA, DOMINICANOS,
cada 7 meses...
cada 9 meses...
A FIN DE PODER SEGUIR CONSTRUYENDO:
EL MURO DE LA DOMINICANIDAD!
Yoe F. Santos/CCIAV.
CCIAV, CC4AVE
Talents, Criticism, Friendship!
Salut, Polis, Ecumene!
(1959-2019)
---------
DANIEL BELL.
--------
Daniel Bell
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Daniel Bell
Professor Daniel Bell.jpg
BORN.
Born May 10, 1919
NEW YORK CITY.
New York City, New York, United States
Died January 25, 2011 (aged 91)
CAMBRIDGE, MASS.
Cambridge, Massachusetts, United States
ALMA MATER:
CITY COLLEGE OF NEW YORK,
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY.
Alma mater City College of New York Columbia University.
KNOW FOR:
POST-INDUSTRIALISM
Known for Post-industrialism.
SCIENTIFIC CAREER.
Scientific career.
FIELDS.
SOCIOLOGY.
Fields Sociology.
INSTITUTIONS.
Institutions
1. UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO.
2. COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY.
3. HARVARD UNIVERSITY.
University of Chicago, Columbia University, Harvard University
DOCTORAL STUDENTS.
Doctoral students
MUSTAFA EMIRBAYER.
Mustafa Emirbayer
INFLUENCES:
KARL POLANGY
Influences Karl Polanyi
INFLUENCED:
CHARLES TAYLOR
Influenced Charles Taylor
Signature
Daniel bell signature.png
Daniel Bell
(May 10, 1919 – January 25, 2011)[1]
was an American
1. SOCIOLOGIST.
2. WRITER.
3. EDITOR.
4. PROFESSOR.
sociologist, writer, editor, and
professor at Harvard University,
BEST KNOWN FOR HIS CONTRIBUTION
1. TO THE STUDY.
2. POST-INDUSTRIALISM.
best known for his contributions to the study of post-industrialism.
HE HAS BEEN DESCRIBED
He has been described as
"ONE OF THE LEADING
one of the leading American intellectuals
OF THE POST WAR ERA
of the postwar era."[2]
His three best known works are :
1.THE END OF IDEOLOGY.
The End of Ideology,
2. THE COMING OF POST-INDUSTRIAL
SOCIETY
The Coming of Post-Industrial Society
and
3. THE CULTURAL CONTRADICTIONS
OF CAPITALISM
The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism.[3]
Contents
1 Biography
1.1 Early life
1.2 Education
1.3 Career
2 Scholarship
2.1 The End of Ideology
2.2 The Coming of Post-Industrial Society
2.3 The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism
3 Personal life
4 Works
5 See also
6 References
7 Further reading
8 External links.
BIOGRAPHY.
Biography.
EARLY LIFE.
Early life
Daniel Bell was born in 1919 in the
LOWER EAST SIDE OF MANHATTAN
Lower East Side of Manhattan in New York City.
HIS PARENTS...
His parents, Benjamin and Anna Bolotsky,
WERE JEWISH
were Jewish[4][5]
INMIGRANTS
immigrants originally
FROM EASTERN EUROPE.
from Eastern Europe.
They WORKED IN THE GARMENT
INDUSTRY
worked in the garment industry.[6]
1.HIS FATHER DIED...
2.WHEN HE WAS
3.8 MONTHS OLD...
His father died when he was eight months old,
1.AND HE GREW UP
2.POOR
and he grew up poor[7]
3. LIVING WITH RELATIVES
living with relatives along with his mother and his younger brother.[8]
1.WHEN HE WAS 13 YEARS OLD.
When he was 13 years old,
2. THE FAMILY NAME
3. WAS CHANGED:
FROM BOLOTSKY
4. TO BELL.
the family's name was changed from Bolotsky to Bell.[6]
EDUCATION.
Education
BELL GRADUATED
1. FROM STUYVESANT.
2. HIGH SCHOOL.
Bell graduated from Stuyvesant High School.
HE RECEIVED A:
1. BACHELOR'S DEGREE.
2. CITY COLLEGE OF NEW YORK
3. IN 1938.
HE WAS: 19 YEARS OLD.
He received a bachelor's degree from the City College of New York in 1938,
AT 20 YEARS OLD:
COMPLETED GRADUATE WORK
and completed graduate work
1. AT COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY.
at Columbia University
2. DURING : 1938-1939
ACADEMIC YEAR.
during the 1938–1939 academic year.[2][8][9]
1.HE RECEIVED A PhD IN SOCIOLOGY
He received a Ph.D. in sociology
2. FROM COLUMBIA.
3. 1961.
from Columbia in 1961
-BEFORE 50 YEARS OLD-
after he was permitted to submit
The End of Ideology:
On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas
in the Fifties (a 1960 essay collection)
IN LIEU OF CONVENTIONAL :
DOCTORAL DISSERTATION.
in lieu of a conventional doctoral dissertation.
CAREER.
Career.
BELL BEGAN HIS PROFESSIONAL LIFE AS:
1. JOURNALIST.
2. BEING MANAGING EDITOR.
3. THE NEW LEADER MAGAZINE
(1941-1945).
-WHEN HE WAS: 22 YEARS OLD-
Bell began his professional life as a journalist, being managing editor of The New Leader magazine (1941–1945),
1. LABOR EDITOR
2. FORTUNE (1948-1958).
labor editor of Fortune (1948–1958)
AND LATER CO-EDITOR
and later co-editor
(WITH HIS COLLEGE FRIEND
with his college friend Irving Kristol)
3. PUBLIC INTEREST MAGAZINE
(1965-1973).
of The Public Interest magazine (1965–1973).
IN THE LATE 1940 BELL WAS:
1. INSTRUCTOR.
2. IN THE SOCIAL SOCIAL SCIENCES.
2.1. IN THE COLLEGE.
2.2. UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO.
In the late 1940s Bell was Instructor in the Social Sciences in the College of the University of Chicago.
DURING THE 50s
HE WAS CLOSE
1. CONGRESS FOR CULTURAL FREEDOM
During the 50s, it was close to the Congress for Cultural Freedom.[4]
Subsequently,
1.HE TAUGHT SOCIOLOGY.
2.FIRST AT COLUMBIA.
(1959-1969)
he taught sociology, first at Columbia (1959–1969)
3. AND THEN AT HARVARD
UNTIL HIS RETIREMENT
IN 1990.
and then at Harvard until his retirement in 1990.[10]
HE WAS ELECTED:
1. FELLOW.
2. OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY
3.OF ARTS & SCIENCES.
IN 1964.
He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1964.[11]
Bell also was the visiting Pitt Professor of American History and Institutions at Cambridge University in 1987.
HE SERVED AS MEMBER OF THE
PRESIDENT'S COMMISION:
ON TECHNOLOGY (1964-1965).
He served as a member of the President's Commission on Technology in 1964–1965
AND AS MEMBER OF PRESIDENT'S
COMMISION ON NATIONAL AGENDA
and as a member of the President's
Commission on a National Agenda
for the 1980s in 1979.[12].
BELL SERVED ON THE BOARD
OF ADVISORS...
1.FOR THE ANTIOCH REVIEW
Bell served on the Board of Advisors for the Antioch Review,
2. AND PUBLISHED OF HIS MOS ACCLAIMED:
ESSAYS
3. IN:
3.1. THE MAGAZINE.
3.2. CRIME AS AMERICAN WAY OF LIFE.
(During 1953)
and published some of his most acclaimed essays in the magazine: "Crime as an American Way of Life" (1953),
SOCIALISM THE DREAM AND THE REALITY
(1952)
"Socialism: The Dream and the Reality" (1952),
JAPANESE NOTEBOOK (1958).
"Japanese Notebook" (1958), "Ethics and Evil: Frameworks for Twenty-First Century Culture" (2005), and most recently
"TTHE RECONSTRUCTION OF LIVERAL
EDUCATION. A FOUNDATIONAL SYLLABUS
(2011)
The Reconstruction of Liberal Education: A Foundational Syllabus" (2011).[13]
Bell received honorary degrees from Harvard, the University of Chicago,
FOURTEEN OTHER UNIVERSITIES
fourteen other universities in the United States,
1.EDINBURG NAPIER UNIVERSITY
Edinburgh Napier University,
2. AND KELO UNIVERSITY
IN JAPAN.
and Keio University in Japan.
He also received a
LIFETIME ACHIEVEMENT AWARD
Lifetime Achievement Award from the
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION
(1992).
American Sociological Association in 1992,
1.AND THE TALCOTT PARSONS PRIZE
and the Talcott Parsons Prize
2. FOR THE SOCIAL SCIENCES
3. FROM THE AMERICAN ACADEMY
OF ARTS & SCIENCES (1993).
for the Social Sciences from the American
Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1993.
HE WAS GIVEN THE:
TOCQUEVILLE AWARD
He was given the Tocqueville Award
BY THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT
(1995).
by the French government in 1995.[14]
Bell
WAS A DIRECTOR OF :
1.SUNTORY.
2.FOUNDATION.
was a director of Suntory Foundation[15]
AND SCHOLAR IN RESIDENCE
and a scholar in residence of the
American Academy of Arts and Sciences.[4]
Bell once
DESCRIBED HIMSELF
described himself as a "
1. SOCIALIST IN ECONOMICS.
2. LIBERAL IN POLITICS.
3. AND CONSERVATIVE:
IN CULTURE
socialist in economics, a liberal in politics, and a conservative in culture."[16]
Scholarship
Bell is best known for his contributions to post-industrialism. His most influential books are The End of Ideology (1960), The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism (1976) [17] and The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (1973).[18] Two of his books, the End of Ideology and the Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism were listed by the Times Literary Supplement as among the 100 most important books in the second half of the twentieth century. Besides Bell only Isaiah Berlin, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Albert Camus, George Orwell and Hannah Arendt, had two books so listed.[19]
The End of Ideology
In The End of Ideology (1960), Bell suggests that the older grand humanistic ideologies derived from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries are exhausted and that new more parochial ideologies will soon arise.
The Coming of Post-Industrial Society
In The Coming of Post-Industrial Society: A Venture in Social Forecasting (1973), Bell outlined a new kind of society, the post-industrial society. He argued that post-industrialism would be information-led and service-oriented. Bell also argued that the post-industrial society would replace the industrial society as the dominant system. There are three components to a post-industrial society, according to Bell:
a shift from manufacturing to services,
the centrality of the new science-based industries,
the rise of new technical elites and the advent of a new principle of stratification.
Bell also conceptually differentiates between three aspects of the post-industrial society: data, or information describing the empirical world; information, or the organization of that data into meaningful systems and patterns such as statistical analysis; and knowledge, which Bell conceptualizes as the use of information to make judgments. Bell discussed the manuscript of The Coming of Post-Industrial Society with Talcott Parsons before its publication.
The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism
In The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism (1976), Bell contends that the developments of 20th century capitalism have led to a contradiction between the cultural sphere of consumerist instant self-gratification and the demand, in the economic sphere, for hard-working, productive individuals.[20] Bell articulates this through his "three realms" methodology, which divides modern society into the cultural, economic and political spheres.
Bell's concern is that with the growth of the welfare state throughout the post-war years, the population is beginning to demand the state fulfill the hedonistic desires that the cultural sphere is encouraging. That dovetails with the ongoing requirement for the state to maintain the kind of strong economic environment conducive to continual growth. For Bell, the competing, contradictory demands place excessive strain on the state that were manifest in the economic turbulence, fiscal pressure, and political upheaval characteristic of the 1970s.[21]
Personal life
His first two marriages to Nora Potashnick and Elaine Graham ended in divorce.[4] In 1960,[4] he married Pearl Kazin Bell, a scholar of literary criticism, and sister of Alfred Kazin.[22] She was also Jewish.[23] Bell's son, David Bell,[24] is a professor of French history at Princeton University, and his daughter, Jordy Bell, was an academic administrator and teacher of, among other things, U.S. Women's history at Marymount College, Tarrytown, New York, before her retirement in 2005.[25]
He died at home in Cambridge, Massachusetts on January 25, 2011.[6][26]
Works
Articles
"The Coming Tragedy of American Labor". Politics, March 1944.
"The World of Moloch". Politics, May 1944. Full Issue available.
"The Subversion of Collective Bargaining". Commentary, March 1960, pp. 697-713.
"The Revolution of Rising Entitlement". Fortune, 1975.
Books (authored)
Work and Its Discontents: The Cult of Efficiency in America. Boston: Beacon Press, 1956.
The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties. New York: Free Press, 1960.
The Reforming of General Education. Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor, 1966.
The Coming of Post-Industrial Society: A Venture in Social Forecasting. New York: Basic Books, 1973.
The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism. New York: Basic Books, 1976.
Las Contradicciones Culturales Del Capitalismo. Translated by Néster A Míguez. Mexico: Editorial Patria, 1994.
The Winding Passage: Essays and Sociological Journeys, 1960-1980. Cambridge, MA: Abt Books, 1980.
The Social Sciences Since the Second World War. Piscataway, NJ: Transaction Books, 1982.
Books (edited)
The New American Right. New York: Criterion Books, 1955.
The Radical Right: The New American Right Expanded and Updated. New York: Doubleday, 1964.
Confrontation: The Student Rebellion and the Universities. Edited with Irving Kristol. National Affairs, Inc., 1968.
Capitalism Today. Edited with Irving Kristol. New York: New American Library, 1971.
The Crisis in Economic Theory. Edited with Irving Kristol. New York: Basic Books, 1981.
Books contributions
"Marxian Socialism in the United States" (Chapter 6). Socialism and American Life, edited by Donald Drew Egbert & Stow Persons. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1952.
"Interpretations of American Politics" (Chapter 1). The New American Right, edited by Daniel Bell. New York: Criterion Books, 1955, pp. 3-32.
"The Dispossessed" (Chapter 1). The Radical Right: The New American Right Expanded and Updated, edited by Daniel Bell. New York: Doubleday, 1964, pp. 1-38.
"Work, Alienation and Social Control". The Radical Papers, edited by Irving Howe. New York: Doubleday, 1966, pp. 86–98.
"Models and Reality in Economic Discourse" (Chapter 4). The Crisis in Economic Theory, edited by Daniel Bell & Irving Kristol. New York: Basic Books, 1981.
Published lectures
The Deficits: How Big? How Long? How Dangerous? The Joseph I. Living Memorial Lecture Series, No. 2. New York University Press, 1986.
See also
Late capitalism
Neoconservatism
The New York Intellectuals
References
Daniel Bell, Harvard U. Sociologist, Is Dead at 91, The Chronicle of Higher Education], January 26, 2011
Durham Peters, John, and Simonson, Peter (eds.) Mass communication and American social thought: key texts, 1919–1968, pp. 364–65 (2004) (ISBN 978-0742528390)
Ahead of the curve, Schumpeter, The Economist, Feb 3rd 2011
Paul Buhle (26 January 2011). "Daniel Bell obituary". The Guardian. Retrieved 19 September 2013.
Joseph Dorman (February 11, 2011). "Daniel Bell, 91, a Leading American Intellectual Who Eschewed Simplistic Labels". The Jewish Daily Forward. Retrieved 19 September 2013.
Kaufman, Michael T. (26 January 2011). Daniel Bell, Ardent Appraiser of Politics, Economics and Culture, Dies at 91, The New York Times
"Ahead of the curve". The Economist. 3 February 2011. Retrieved 3 September 2012.
Waters, Malcolm. Key Sociologists: Daniel Bell, pp. 13–16 (Routledge 1996) (ISBN 978-0415105774)
Allitt, Patrick, The Conservative Tradition. Part 3 of 3. p. 40 (The Teaching Company 2009) (ISBN 1-59803-550-9)
Jumonville, Neil, ed. The New York intellectuals reader, Ch.17 (2007) (ISBN 978-0415952651)
"Book of Members, 1780-2010: Chapter B" (PDF). American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Retrieved May 30, 2011.
Waters, Malcolm (2002-01-04). Daniel Bell. Routledge. p. 149. ISBN 9781134845569.
"Daniel Bell, Noted Sociologist and Advisor to the Antioch Review, Dies | Antioch College". www.antiochcollege.edu.
Danesi, Marcel (2013-01-01). Encyclopedia of Media and Communication. University of Toronto Press. p. 54. ISBN 9781442611696.
Barnett, S. A. (2017-07-05). The Reforming of General Education: The Columbia Experience in Its National Setting. Routledge. p. 321. ISBN 9781351475358.
Gardner, Martin. The Whys of a Philosophical Scrivener, p. 427 (1999 paperback ed.)
Williams, Raymond. How can we sell the Protestant ethic at a psychedelic bazaar?: The Cultural Contradictions Of Capitalism (book review, The New York Times, February 1, 1976
Waters, Malcolm (2003), "Daniel Bell", in Ritzer, George (ed.), The Blackwell companion to major contemporary social theorists, Malden, Massachusetts Oxford: Blackwell, ISBN 9781405105958, Waters identifies these as the "three works that made Bell famous" Also available as: Waters, Malcolm (2003). "Daniel Bell". Chapter 6. Daniel Bell. Wiley. pp. 154–177. doi:10.1002/9780470999912.ch7. ISBN 9780470999912. Extract.
The hundred most influential books since the war, Times Literary Supplement, December 30, 2008
Liu, Eric. How Boomers Left Us With an Ethical Deficit, The Atlantic, September 24, 2010 ("When Daniel Bell wrote of the cultural contradictions of capitalism – that a self-denying work ethic leads to the affluence that gives rise to self-gratifying play ethic that ends up corroding the affluence – he could also have described the life cycle of the Boomers.")
Gilbert, Andrew (October 2013). "The culture crunch: Daniel Bell's The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism". Thesis Eleven. 118: 83–95. doi:10.1177/0725513613500383.
Schudel, Matt (January 27, 2011). "Sociologist Foresaw Internet's Rise". Washington Post.
Bloom, Alexander (December 17, 1987). Prodigal Sons: The New York Intellectuals & Their World. Oxford University Press. p. 385. ISBN 9780195051773.
WEDDINGS; Donna Farber, David A. Bell, The New York Times, May 24, 1993
Alumni, The University of Chicago Magazine, Vol. 93, p.41 (2000) (noting that Jordy Bell is associate academic dean at Marymount)
(26 January 2011). Daniel Bell, influential sociologist, dies at 91, Associated Press
Further reading
Brick, Howard (1986). Daniel Bell and the decline of intellectual radicalism : social theory and political reconciliation in the 1940s. Madison, Wis: University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-0-299-10550-1.
Liebowitz, Nathan (1985). Daniel Bell and the agony of modern liberalism. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-24279-3.
External links
Wikiquote has quotations related to: Daniel Bell
Bell's The End of Ideology chapter 13
Appearances on C-SPAN
Daniel Bell, Master Builder. SAM TANENHAUS. NYTimes. February 3, 2011.
Arguing the World, 1998 PBS documentary film featuring Nathan Glazer, Irving Howe, Irving Kristol, and Bell
Speech by Daniel Bell on March 22, 1968, discussing the new character of American life. Audio from The University of Alabama's Emphasis Symposium on Contemporary Issues
Works by Daniel Bell at Internet Archive
Works by Daniel Bell at JSTOR
Authority control Edit this at Wikidata
BNE: XX949266BNF: cb11891023f (data)GND: 118658018ISNI: 0000 0001 2146 9017LCCN: n50006506NKC: xx0021313NLK: KAC199602071NTA: 071633553RKD: 487305SELIBR: 177193SNAC: w6kh1tmnSUDOC: 026715546VIAF: 108273432WorldCat Identities (via VIAF): 108273432
Categories: 1919 births2011 deathsAcademics of the University of CambridgeAmerican sociologistsCity College of New York alumniColumbia University alumniColumbia University facultyFellows of the American Academy of Arts and SciencesHarvard University facultyUniversity of Chicago facultyGuggenheim FellowsJewish American writersJewish sociologistsHudson InstitutePeople from the Lower East Side
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MILTON FRIEDMAN.
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Milton Friedman
Portrait of Milton Friedman.jpg
Friedman in 2004
Born July 31, 1912
Brooklyn, New York, U.S.
Died November 16, 2006 (aged 94)
San Francisco, California, U.S.
Nationality American
Spouse(s) Rose Friedman
Institution
National Resources Planning Board (1935–1937)
National Bureau of Economic Research (1937–1940)
Columbia University (1937–1941; 1943–1945; 1964–1965)
University of Wisconsin, Madison (1940)
U.S. Department of the Treasury (1941–1943)
University of Chicago (1946–1977)
University of Cambridge (1954–1955)
Hoover Institution (1977–2006)
School or
tradition Chicago School
Alma mater
Rutgers University (BA)
University of Chicago (MA)
Columbia University (PhD)
Doctoral
advisor Simon Kuznets
Doctoral
students Phillip Cagan
Harry Markowitz
Lester G. Telser[1]
David I. Meiselman
Neil Wallace
Miguel Sidrauski
Influences
SmithMarshallMillFisherPaineKnightKuznetsVinerHotellingBurnsHayekH. JonesH.C. SimonsStiglerSchultzGeorge
Contributions
Price theory · Monetarism
Applied macroeconomics
Floating exchange rates
Permanent income hypothesis
Helicopter money
Volunteer military
Natural rate of unemployment
Friedman test
Awards
Member of the National Academy of Sciences (1973)
National Medal of Science (1988)
Presidential Medal of Freedom (1988)
Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences (1976)
John Bates Clark Medal (1951)
Information at IDEAS / RePEc
Signature
Milton friedman signature.svg
Notes
Children
David D. Friedman, Jan Martel
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Milton Friedman (/ˈfriːdmən/; July 31, 1912 – November 16, 2006) was an American economist who received the 1976 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences for his research on consumption analysis, monetary history and theory and the complexity of stabilization policy.[4] With George Stigler and others, Friedman was among the intellectual leaders of the second generation of Chicago school of economics, a methodological movement at the University of Chicago's Department of Economics, Law School and Graduate School of Business from the 1940s onward. Several students and young professors who were recruited or mentored by Friedman at Chicago went on to become leading economists, including Gary Becker, Robert Fogel, Thomas Sowell[5] and Robert Lucas Jr.[6]
Friedman's challenges to what he later called "naive Keynesian" theory[7] began with his 1950s reinterpretation of the consumption function. In the 1960s, he became the main advocate opposing Keynesian government policies[8] and described his approach (along with mainstream economics) as using "Keynesian language and apparatus" yet rejecting its "initial" conclusions.[9] He theorized that there existed a "natural" rate of unemployment and argued that unemployment below this rate would cause inflation to accelerate.[10] He argued that the Phillips curve was in the long run vertical at the "natural rate" and predicted what would come to be known as stagflation.[11] Friedman promoted an alternative macroeconomic viewpoint known as "monetarism" and argued that a steady, small expansion of the money supply was the preferred policy.[12] His ideas concerning monetary policy, taxation, privatization and deregulation influenced government policies, especially during the 1980s. His monetary theory influenced the Federal Reserve's response to the global financial crisis of 2007–2008.[13]
Friedman was an advisor to Republican President Ronald Reagan[3] and Conservative British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher.[2] His political philosophy extolled the virtues of a free market economic system with minimal intervention. He once stated that his role in eliminating conscription in the United States was his proudest accomplishment. In his 1962 book Capitalism and Freedom, Friedman advocated policies such as a volunteer military, freely floating exchange rates, abolition of medical licenses, a negative income tax and school vouchers[14] and opposed the war on drugs. His support for school choice led him to found the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice, later renamed EdChoice.[15]
Friedman's works include monographs, books, scholarly articles, papers, magazine columns, television programs, and lectures, and cover a broad range of economic topics and public policy issues.[16] His books and essays have had global influence, including in former communist states.[17][18][19][20] A survey of economists ranked Friedman as the second-most popular economist of the 20th century, following only John Maynard Keynes[21], and The Economist described him as "the most influential economist of the second half of the 20th century ... possibly of all of it".[22]
Contents
1 Early life
2 Public service
3 Academic career
3.1 Early years
3.2 University of Chicago
3.2.1 A Theory of the Consumption Function
3.2.2 Capitalism and Freedom
4 Personal life
4.1 Retirement
4.2 Later life
4.3 Death
5 Scholarly contributions
5.1 Economics
5.2 Statistics
6 Public policy positions
6.1 Federal Reserve and monetary policy
6.2 Exchange rates
6.3 School choice
6.4 Conscription
6.5 Foreign policy
6.6 Libertarianism and the Republican Party
6.7 Public goods and monopoly
6.8 Social security, welfare programs and negative income tax
6.9 Drug policy
6.10 Gay rights
6.11 Immigration
6.12 Economic freedom
7 Honors, recognition and influence
7.1 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences
7.2 Hong Kong
7.3 Chile
7.4 Iceland
7.5 Estonia
7.6 United Kingdom
7.7 United States
8 Criticism
8.1 Visit to Chile
9 Selected bibliography
10 See also
11 References
11.1 Citations
11.2 Sources
12 Further reading
13 External links
Early life
Friedman was born in Brooklyn, New York on July 31, 1912. His parents, Sára Ethel (née Landau) and Jenő Saul Friedman,[23] were Jewish immigrants from Beregszász in Carpathian Ruthenia, Kingdom of Hungary (now Berehove in Ukraine). They both worked as dry goods merchants. Shortly after his birth, the family relocated to Rahway, New Jersey. In his early teens, Friedman was injured in a car accident, which scarred his upper lip.[24][25] A talented student, Friedman graduated from Rahway High School in 1928, just before his 16th birthday.[26][27] He was awarded a competitive scholarship to Rutgers University (then a private university receiving limited support from the State of New Jersey, e.g., for such scholarships).
In 1932, Friedman graduated from Rutgers University, where he specialized in mathematics and economics and initially intended to become an actuary. During his time at Rutgers, Friedman became influenced by two economics professors, Arthur F. Burns and Homer Jones, who convinced him that modern economics could help end the Great Depression.
After graduating from Rutgers, Friedman was offered two scholarships to do graduate work—one in mathematics at Brown University and the other in economics at the University of Chicago.[28] Friedman chose the latter, thus earning a Master of Arts degree in 1933. He was strongly influenced by Jacob Viner, Frank Knight, and Henry Simons. It was at Chicago that Friedman met his future wife, economist Rose Director. During the 1933–1934 academic year he had a fellowship at Columbia University, where he studied statistics with renowned statistician and economist Harold Hotelling. He was back in Chicago for the 1934–1935 academic year, working as a research assistant for Henry Schultz, who was then working on Theory and Measurement of Demand. That year, Friedman formed what would prove to be lifelong friendships with George Stigler and W. Allen Wallis.[29]
Public service
Friedman was initially unable to find academic employment, so in 1935 he followed his friend W. Allen Wallis to Washington, D.C., where Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal was "a lifesaver" for many young economists.[30] At this stage, Friedman said that he and his wife "regarded the job-creation programs such as the WPA, CCC, and PWA appropriate responses to the critical situation," but not "the price- and wage-fixing measures of the National Recovery Administration and the Agricultural Adjustment Administration."[31] Foreshadowing his later ideas, he believed price controls interfered with an essential signaling mechanism to help resources be used where they were most valued. Indeed, Friedman later concluded that all government intervention associated with the New Deal was "the wrong cure for the wrong disease," arguing that the money supply should simply have been expanded, instead of contracted.[32] Later, Friedman and his colleague Anna Schwartz wrote A Monetary History of the United States, 1867–1960, which argued that the Great Depression was caused by a severe monetary contraction due to banking crises and poor policy on the part of the Federal Reserve.[33]
During 1935, he began working for the National Resources Planning Board,[34] which was then working on a large consumer budget survey. Ideas from this project later became a part of his Theory of the Consumption Function. Friedman began employment with the National Bureau of Economic Research during autumn 1937 to assist Simon Kuznets in his work on professional income. This work resulted in their jointly authored publication Incomes from Independent Professional Practice, which introduced the concepts of permanent and transitory income, a major component of the Permanent Income Hypothesis that Friedman worked out in greater detail in the 1950s. The book hypothesizes that professional licensing artificially restricts the supply of services and raises prices.
During 1940, Friedman was appointed an assistant professor teaching Economics at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, but encountered antisemitism in the Economics department and decided to return to government service.[35][36] From 1941 to 1943 Friedman worked on wartime tax policy for the federal government, as an advisor to senior officials of the United States Department of the Treasury. As a Treasury spokesman during 1942 he advocated a Keynesian policy of taxation. He helped to invent the payroll withholding tax system, since the federal government badly needed money in order to fight the war.[37] He later said, "I have no apologies for it, but I really wish we hadn't found it necessary and I wish there were some way of abolishing withholding now."[38]
Academic career
Early years
In 1940, Friedman accepted a position at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, but left because of differences with faculty regarding United States involvement in World War II. Friedman believed the United States should enter the war.[39] In 1943, Friedman joined the Division of War Research at Columbia University (headed by W. Allen Wallis and Harold Hotelling), where he spent the rest of World War II working as a mathematical statistician, focusing on problems of weapons design, military tactics, and metallurgical experiments.[39][40]
In 1945, Friedman submitted Incomes from Independent Professional Practice (co-authored with Kuznets and completed during 1940) to Columbia as his doctoral dissertation. The university awarded him a PhD in 1946.[41][42] Friedman spent the 1945–1946 academic year teaching at the University of Minnesota (where his friend George Stigler was employed). On February 12, 1945, his son, David D. Friedman was born.
University of Chicago
The University of Chicago, where Friedman taught
In 1946, Friedman accepted an offer to teach economic theory at the University of Chicago (a position opened by departure of his former professor Jacob Viner to Princeton University). Friedman would work for the University of Chicago for the next 30 years. There he contributed to the establishment of an intellectual community that produced a number of Nobel Prize winners, known collectively as the Chicago school of economics.
At that time, Arthur F. Burns, who was then the head of the National Bureau of Economic Research, asked Friedman to rejoin the Bureau's staff. He accepted the invitation, and assumed responsibility for the Bureau's inquiry into the role of money in the business cycle. As a result, he initiated the "Workshop in Money and Banking" (the "Chicago Workshop"), which promoted a revival of monetary studies. During the latter half of the 1940s, Friedman began a collaboration with Anna Schwartz, an economic historian at the Bureau, that would ultimately result in the 1963 publication of a book co-authored by Friedman and Schwartz, A Monetary History of the United States, 1867–1960.
Friedman spent the 1954–1955 academic year as a Fulbright Visiting Fellow at Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge. At the time, the Cambridge economics faculty was divided into a Keynesian majority (including Joan Robinson and Richard Kahn) and an anti-Keynesian minority (headed by Dennis Robertson). Friedman speculated that he was invited to the fellowship, because his views were unacceptable to both of the Cambridge factions. Later his weekly columns for Newsweek magazine (1966–84) were well read and increasingly influential among political and business people,[43] and helped earn the magazine a Gerald Loeb Special Award in 1968.[44] From 1968 to 1978, he and Paul Samuelson participated in the Economics Cassette Series, a biweekly subscription series where the economist would discuss the days' issues for about a half-hour at a time.[45][46]
A Theory of the Consumption Function
One of Milton Friedman's most popular works, A Theory of the Consumption Function, challenged traditional Keynesian viewpoints about the household. This work was originally published in 1957 by the Princeton University Press, and it reanalysed the relationship displayed "between aggregate consumption or aggregate savings and aggregate income." [47] Keynes believed that people would modify their household consumption expenditures to relate to their existing income levels. Friedman's research introduced the term "permanent income" to the world, which was the average of a household's expected income over several years, and he also developed the permanent income hypothesis. Milton Friedman's research changed how economists interpreted the consumption function, and his work pushed the idea that current income was not the only factor that affected people's adjustment household consumption expenditures. Instead, expected income levels also affected how households would change their consumption expenditures. Friedman's contributions strongly impacted research on consumer behavior, and he further defined how to predict consumption smoothing, which contradicts Keynes' marginal propensity to consume. Although this work presented many controversial points of view that differed from existing viewpoints established by Keynes, A Theory of the Consumption Function helped Friedman gain respect in the field of economics.
Capitalism and Freedom
His Capitalism and Freedom brought him national and international attention outside academia. It was published in 1962 by the University of Chicago Press and consists of essays that used non-mathematical economic models to explore issues of public policy.[48] It sold over 400,000 copies in the first eighteen years[49] and more than half a million since 1962. It has been translated into eighteen languages. Friedman talks about the need to move to a classically liberal society, that free markets would help nations and individuals in the long-run and fix the efficiency problems currently faced by the United States and other major countries of the 1950s and 1960s. He goes through the chapters specifying a specific issue in each respective chapter from the role of government and money supply to social welfare programs to a special chapter on occupational licensure. Friedman concludes Capitalism and Freedom with his "classical liberal" (more accurately, libertarian) stance, that government should stay out of matters that do not need and should only involve itself when absolutely necessary for the survival of its people and the country. He recounts how the best of a country's abilities come from its free markets while its failures come from government intervention.[50]
Personal life
Retirement
In 1977, at the age of 65, Friedman retired from the University of Chicago after teaching there for 30 years. He and his wife moved to San Francisco, where he became a visiting scholar at the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco. From 1977 on, he was affiliated with the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. During the same year, Friedman was approached by the Free To Choose Network and asked to create a television program presenting his economic and social philosophy.
The Friedmans worked on this project for the next three years, and during 1980, the ten-part series, titled Free to Choose, was broadcast by the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS). The companion book to the series (co-authored by Milton and his wife, Rose Friedman), also titled Free To Choose, was the bestselling nonfiction book of 1980 and has since been translated into 14 languages.
Friedman served as an unofficial adviser to Ronald Reagan during his 1980 presidential campaign, and then served on the President's Economic Policy Advisory Board for the rest of the Reagan Administration. Ebenstein says Friedman was "the 'guru' of the Reagan administration."[3] In 1988 he received the National Medal of Science and Reagan honored him with the Presidential Medal of Freedom.
Friedman is known now as one of the most influential economists of the 20th century.[51][52] Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Friedman continued to write editorials and appear on television. He made several visits to Eastern Europe and to China, where he also advised governments. He was also for many years a Trustee of the Philadelphia Society.[53][54][55]
Later life
According to a 2007 article in Commentary magazine, his "parents were moderately observant Jews, but Friedman, after an intense burst of childhood piety, rejected religion altogether."[56] He described himself as an agnostic.[57] Friedman wrote extensively of his life and experiences, especially in 1998 in his memoirs with his wife, Rose, titled Two Lucky People.
Death
Friedman died of heart failure at the age of 94 years in San Francisco on November 16, 2006.[58] He was still a working economist performing original economic research; his last column was published in The Wall Street Journal the day after his death.[59] He was survived by his wife (who died on August 18, 2009) and their two children, David, known for the anarcho-capitalist book The Machinery of Freedom, and bridge expert Jan Martel.
Scholarly contributions
See also: Friedman–Savage utility function, Friedman rule, Friedman's k-percent rule, Friedman test, and Great Contraction
Economics
Friedman was best known for reviving interest in the money supply as a determinant of the nominal value of output, that is, the quantity theory of money. Monetarism is the set of views associated with modern quantity theory. Its origins can be traced back to the 16th-century School of Salamanca or even further; however, Friedman's contribution is largely responsible for its modern popularization. He co-authored, with Anna Schwartz, A Monetary History of the United States, 1867–1960 (1963), which was an examination of the role of the money supply and economic activity in the U.S. history. A striking conclusion of their research regarded the way in which money supply fluctuations contribute to economic fluctuations. Several regression studies with David Meiselman during the 1960s suggested the primacy of the money supply over investment and government spending in determining consumption and output. These challenged a prevailing, but largely untested, view on their relative importance. Friedman's empirical research and some theory supported the conclusion that the short-run effect of a change of the money supply was primarily on output but that the longer-run effect was primarily on the price level.
Friedman was the main proponent of the monetarist school of economics. He maintained that there is a close and stable association between inflation and the money supply, mainly that inflation could be avoided with proper regulation of the monetary base's growth rate. He famously used the analogy of "dropping money out of a helicopter",[60] in order to avoid dealing with money injection mechanisms and other factors that would overcomplicate his models.
Friedman's arguments were designed to counter the popular concept of cost-push inflation, that the increased general price level at the time was the result of increases in the price of oil, or increases in wages; as he wrote:
Inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon.
— Milton Friedman, 1963.[61]
Friedman rejected the use of fiscal policy as a tool of demand management; and he held that the government's role in the guidance of the economy should be restricted severely. Friedman wrote extensively on the Great Depression, and he termed the 1929–1933 period the Great Contraction. He argued that the Depression had been caused by an ordinary financial shock whose duration and seriousness were greatly increased by the subsequent contraction of the money supply caused by the misguided policies of the directors of the Federal Reserve.
The Fed was largely responsible for converting what might have been a garden-variety recession, although perhaps a fairly severe one, into a major catastrophe. Instead of using its powers to offset the depression, it presided over a decline in the quantity of money by one-third from 1929 to 1933 ... Far from the depression being a failure of the free-enterprise system, it was a tragic failure of government.
— Milton Friedman, Two Lucky People, 233[62]
This theory was put forth in A Monetary History of the United States, and the chapter on the Great Depression was then published as a stand-alone book entitled The Great Contraction, 1929–1933. Both books are still in print from Princeton University Press, and some editions include as an appendix a speech at a University of Chicago event honoring Friedman[63] in which Ben Bernanke made this statement:
Let me end my talk by abusing slightly my status as an official representative of the Federal Reserve. I would like to say to Milton and Anna: Regarding the Great Depression, you're right. We did it. We're very sorry. But thanks to you, we won't do it again.[64][63]
Friedman also argued for the cessation of government intervention in currency markets, thereby spawning an enormous literature on the subject, as well as promoting the practice of freely floating exchange rates. His close friend George Stigler explained, "As is customary in science, he did not win a full victory, in part because research was directed along different lines by the theory of rational expectations, a newer approach developed by Robert Lucas, also at the University of Chicago."[65] The relationship between Friedman and Lucas, or new classical macroeconomics as a whole, was highly complex. The Friedmanian Phillips curve was an interesting starting point for Lucas, but he soon realized that the solution provided by Friedman was not quite satisfactory. Lucas elaborated a new approach in which rational expectations were presumed instead of the Friedmanian adaptive expectations. Due to this reformulation, the story in which the theory of the new classical Phillips curve was embedded radically changed. This modification, however, had a significant effect on Friedman's own approach, so, as a result, the theory of the Friedmanian Phillips curve also changed.[66] Moreover, new classical Neil Wallace, who was a graduate student at the University of Chicago between 1960 and 1963, regarded Friedman's theoretical courses as a mess.[67] This evaluation clearly indicates the broken relationship between Friedmanian monetarism and new classical macroeconomics.
Friedman was also known for his work on the consumption function, the permanent income hypothesis (1957), which Friedman himself referred to as his best scientific work.[68] This work contended that rational consumers would spend a proportional amount of what they perceived to be their permanent income. Windfall gains would mostly be saved. Tax reductions likewise, as rational consumers would predict that taxes would have to increase later to balance public finances. Other important contributions include his critique of the Phillips curve and the concept of the natural rate of unemployment (1968). This critique associated his name, together with that of Edmund Phelps, with the insight that a government that brings about greater inflation cannot permanently reduce unemployment by doing so. Unemployment may be temporarily lower, if the inflation is a surprise, but in the long run unemployment will be determined by the frictions and imperfections of the labor market.
Friedman's essay "The Methodology of Positive Economics" (1953) provided the epistemological pattern for his own subsequent research and to a degree that of the Chicago School. There he argued that economics as science should be free of value judgments for it to be objective. Moreover, a useful economic theory should be judged not by its descriptive realism but by its simplicity and fruitfulness as an engine of prediction. That is, students should measure the accuracy of its predictions, rather than the 'soundness of its assumptions'. His argument was part of an ongoing debate among such statisticians as Jerzy Neyman, Leonard Savage, and Ronald Fisher.[69]
Statistics
One of his most famous contributions to statistics is sequential sampling. Friedman did statistical work at the Division of War Research at Columbia, where he and his colleagues came up with the technique. It became, in the words of The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, "the standard analysis of quality control inspection". The dictionary adds, "Like many of Friedman's contributions, in retrospect it seems remarkably simple and obvious to apply basic economic ideas to quality control; that, however, is a measure of his genius."[70]
Public policy positions
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Federal Reserve and monetary policy
Although Friedman concluded the government does have a role in the monetary system[71] he was critical of the Federal Reserve due to its poor performance and felt it should be abolished.[72][73][74] He was opposed to Federal Reserve policies, even during the so-called 'Volcker shock' that was labeled 'monetarist'.[75] Friedman believed that the Federal Reserve System should ultimately be replaced with a computer program.[76] He favored a system that would automatically buy and sell securities in response to changes in the money supply.[77]
The proposal to constantly grow the money supply at a certain predetermined amount every year has become known as Friedman's k-percent rule.[78] There is debate about the effectiveness of a theoretical money supply targeting regime.[79][80] The Fed's inability to meet its money supply targets from 1978–1982 has led some to conclude it is not a feasible alternative to more conventional inflation and interest rate targeting.[81] Towards the end of his life, Friedman expressed doubt about the validity of targeting the quantity of money.[82]
Idealistically, Friedman actually favored the principles of the 1930s Chicago plan, which would have ended fractional reserve banking and, thus, private money creation. It would force banks to have 100% reserves backing deposits, and instead place money creation powers solely in the hands of the US Government. This would make targeting money growth more possible, as endogenous money created by fractional reserve lending would no longer be a major issue.[78]
Exchange rates
Friedman was a strong advocate for floating exchange rates throughout the entire Bretton-Woods period. He argued that a flexible exchange rate would make external adjustment possible and allow countries to avoid balance of payments crises. He saw fixed exchange rates as an undesirable form of government intervention. The case was articulated in an influential 1953 paper, "The Case for Flexible Exchange Rates", at a time, when most commentators regarded the possibility of floating exchange rates as a fantasy.[83][84]
School choice
In his 1955 article "The Role of Government in Education"[85] Friedman proposed supplementing publicly operated schools with privately run but publicly funded schools through a system of school vouchers.[86] Reforms similar to those proposed in the article were implemented in, for example, Chile in 1981 and Sweden in 1992.[87] In 1996, Friedman, together with his wife, founded the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice to advocate school choice and vouchers. In 2016, the Friedman Foundation changed its name to EdChoice to honor the Friedmans' desire to have the educational choice movement live on without their names attached to it after their deaths.[15]
Conscription
While Walter Oi is credited with establishing the economic basis for a volunteer military, Friedman was a proponent, stating that the draft was "inconsistent with a free society."[88][89] In Capitalism and Freedom, he argued that conscription is inequitable and arbitrary, preventing young men from shaping their lives as they see fit.[90] During the Nixon administration he headed the committee to research a conversion to paid/volunteer armed force. He would later state that his role in eliminating the conscription in the United States was his proudest accomplishment.[12] Friedman did, however, believe that the introduction of a system of universal military training as a reserve in cases of war-time could be justified.[90] But opposed its implementation in the United States, describing it as a “monstrosity”.[91]
Foreign policy
Biographer Lanny Ebenstein noted a drift over time in Friedman's views from an interventionist to a more cautious foreign policy.[92] He supported US involvement in the Second World War and initially supported a hard-line against Communism, but moderated over time.[92] However, Friedman did state in a 1995 interview that he was an anti-interventionist.[93] He opposed the Gulf War and the Iraq War.[92] In a spring 2006 interview, Friedman said that the US's stature in the world had been eroded by the Iraq War, but that it might be improved if Iraq were to become a peaceful and independent country.[94]
Libertarianism and the Republican Party
Friedman was an economic advisor and speech writer in Barry Goldwater's presidential campaign in 1964. He was an advisor to California governor Ronald Reagan, and was active in Reagan's presidential campaigns.[95] He served as a member of President Reagan's Economic Policy Advisory Board starting in 1981. In 1988, he received the Presidential Medal of Freedom and the National Medal of Science. He said that he was a libertarian philosophically, but a member of the U.S. Republican Party for the sake of "expediency" ("I am a libertarian with a small 'l' and a Republican with a capital 'R.' And I am a Republican with a capital 'R' on grounds of expediency, not on principle.") But, he said, "I think the term classical liberal is also equally applicable. I don't really care very much what I'm called. I'm much more interested in having people thinking about the ideas, rather than the person."[96]
Public goods and monopoly
Friedman was supportive of the state provision of some public goods that private businesses are not considered as being able to provide. However, he argued that many of the services performed by government could be performed better by the private sector. Above all, if some public goods are provided by the state, he believed that they should not be a legal monopoly where private competition is prohibited; for example, he wrote:
There is no way to justify our present public monopoly of the post office. It may be argued that the carrying of mail is a technical monopoly and that a government monopoly is the least of evils. Along these lines, one could perhaps justify a government post office, but not the present law, which makes it illegal for anybody else to carry the mail. If the delivery of mail is a technical monopoly, no one else will be able to succeed in competition with the government. If it is not, there is no reason why the government should be engaged in it. The only way to find out is to leave other people free to enter.
— Milton Friedman, Friedman, Milton & Rose D. Capitalism and Freedom, University of Chicago Press, 1982, p. 29
Social security, welfare programs and negative income tax
In 1962, Friedman criticized Social Security in his book Capitalism and Freedom, arguing that it had created welfare dependency.[97] However, in the penultimate chapter of the same book, Friedman argued that while capitalism had greatly reduced the extent of poverty in absolute terms, "poverty is in part a relative matter, [and] even in [wealthy Western] countries, there are clearly many people living under conditions that the rest of us label as poverty." Friedman also noted that while private charity could be one recourse for alleviating poverty and cited late 19th century Britain and the United States as exemplary periods of extensive private charity and eleemosynary activity, he made the following point:
It can be argued that private charity is insufficient because the benefits from it accrue to people other than those who make the gifts— ... a neighborhood effect. I am distressed by the sight of poverty; I am benefited by its alleviation; but I am benefited equally whether I or someone else pays for its alleviation; the benefits of other people's charity therefore partly accrue to me. To put it differently, we might all of us be willing to contribute to the relief of poverty, provided everyone else did. We might not be willing to contribute the same amount without such assurance. In small communities, public pressure can suffice to realize the proviso even with private charity. In the large impersonal communities that are increasingly coming to dominate our society, it is much more difficult for it to do so.
Suppose one accepts, as I do, this line of reasoning as justifying governmental action to alleviate poverty; to set, as it were, a floor under the standard of life of every person in the community. [While there are questions of how much should be spent and how, the] arrangement that recommends itself on purely mechanical grounds is a negative income tax. ... The advantages of this arrangement are clear. It is directed specifically at the problem of poverty. It gives help in the form most useful to the individual, namely, cash. It is general and could be substituted for the host of special measures now in effect. It makes explicit the cost borne by society. It operates outside the market. Like any other measures to alleviate poverty, it reduces the incentives of those helped to help themselves, but it does not eliminate that incentive entirely, as a system of supplementing incomes up to some fixed minimum would. An extra dollar earned always means more money available for expenditure.
Friedman argued further that other advantages of the negative income tax were that it could fit directly into the tax system, would be less costly, and would reduce the administrative burden of implementing a social safety net.[98] Friedman reiterated these arguments 18 years later in Free to Choose, with the additional proviso that such a reform would only be satisfactory if it replaced the current system of welfare programs rather than augment it.[99] According to economist Robert H. Frank, writing in The New York Times, Friedman's views in this regard were grounded in a belief that while "market forces ... accomplish wonderful things", they "cannot ensure a distribution of income that enables all citizens to meet basic economic needs".[100]
Drug policy
Friedman also supported libertarian policies such as legalization of drugs and prostitution. During 2005, Friedman and more than 500 other economists advocated discussions regarding the economic benefits of the legalization of marijuana.[101]
Gay rights
Friedman was also a supporter of gay rights.[102] He never specifically supported same-sex marriage, instead saying "I do not believe there should be any discrimination against gays."[103]
Immigration
Friedman favored immigration, saying "legal and illegal immigration has a very positive impact on the U.S. economy."[104] Friedman however suggested that immigrants ought not to have access to the welfare system.[104] Friedman stated that immigration from Mexico had been a "good thing", in particular illegal immigration.[104] Friedman argued that illegal immigration was a boon because they "take jobs that most residents of this country are unwilling to take, they provide employers with workers of a kind they cannot get" and they do not use welfare.[104] In Free to Choose, Friedman wrote:[99]
No arbitrary obstacles should prevent people from achieving those positions for which their talents fit them and which their values lead them to seek. Not birth, nationality, color, religion, sex, nor any other irrelevant characteristic should determine the opportunities that are open to a person — only his abilities.
Economic freedom
Michael Walker of the Fraser Institute and Friedman hosted a series of conferences from 1986 to 1994. The goal was to create a clear definition of economic freedom and a method for measuring it. Eventually this resulted in the first report on worldwide economic freedom, Economic Freedom in the World.[105] This annual report has since provided data for numerous peer-reviewed studies and has influenced policy in several nations.
Along with sixteen other distinguished economists he opposed the Copyright Term Extension Act, and signed on to an amicus brief filed in Eldred v. Ashcroft.[106] Friedman jokingly described it as a "no-brainer".[107]
Friedman argued for stronger basic legal (constitutional) protection of economic rights and freedoms to further promote industrial-commercial growth and prosperity and buttress democracy and freedom and the rule of law generally in society.[108]
Honors, recognition and influence
Friedman in 1976
George H. Nash, a leading historian of American conservatism, says that by "the end of the 1960s he was probably the most highly regarded and influential conservative scholar in the country, and one of the few with an international reputation."[109] Friedman allowed the libertarian Cato Institute to use his name for its biannual Milton Friedman Prize for Advancing Liberty beginning in 2001. A Friedman Prize was given to the late British economist Peter Bauer in 2002, Peruvian economist Hernando de Soto in 2004, Mart Laar, former Estonian Prime Minister in 2006 and a young Venezuelan student Yon Goicoechea in 2008. His wife Rose, sister of Aaron Director, with whom he initiated the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice, served on the international selection committee.[110][111]
Friedman was also a recipient of the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics.
Upon Friedman's death, Harvard President Lawrence Summers called him "The Great Liberator" saying "... any honest Democrat will admit that we are now all Friedmanites." He said Friedman's great popular contribution was "in convincing people of the importance of allowing free markets to operate."[112]
In 2013 Stephen Moore, a member of the editorial forward of The Wall Street Journal said, "Quoting the most-revered champion of free-market economics since Adam Smith has become a little like quoting the Bible." He adds, "There are sometimes multiple and conflicting interpretations."[113]
Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences
Friedman won the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences, the sole recipient for 1976, "for his achievements in the fields of consumption analysis, monetary history and theory and for his demonstration of the complexity of stabilization policy."[4]
Hong Kong
Friedman once said: "If you want to see capitalism in action, go to Hong Kong."[114] He wrote in 1990 that the Hong Kong economy was perhaps the best example of a free market economy.[115]
One month before his death, he wrote the article "Hong Kong Wrong—What would Cowperthwaite say?" in The Wall Street Journal, criticizing Donald Tsang, the Chief Executive of Hong Kong, for abandoning "positive noninterventionism."[116] Tsang later said he was merely changing the slogan to "big market, small government," where small government is defined as less than 20% of GDP. In a debate between Tsang and his rival Alan Leong before the 2007 Hong Kong Chief Executive election, Leong introduced the topic and jokingly accused Tsang of angering Friedman to death.[citation needed]
Chile
Main articles: Miracle of Chile and Chicago Boys
During 1975, two years after the military coup that brought military dictator President Augusto Pinochet to power and ended the government of Salvador Allende, the economy of Chile experienced a severe crisis. Friedman and Arnold Harberger accepted an invitation of a private Chilean foundation to visit Chile and speak on principles of economic freedom.[117] He spent seven days in Chile giving a series of lectures at the Universidad Católica de Chile and the (National) University of Chile. One of the lectures was entitled "The Fragility of Freedom" and according to Friedman, "dealt with precisely the threat to freedom from a centralized military government."[118]
In an April 21, 1975 letter to Pinochet, Friedman considered the "key economic problems of Chile are clearly ... inflation and the promotion of a healthy social market economy".[119] He stated that "There is only one way to end inflation: by drastically reducing the rate of increase of the quantity of money ..." and that "... cutting government spending is by far and away the most desirable way to reduce the fiscal deficit, because it ... strengthens the private sector thereby laying the foundations for healthy economic growth".[119] As to how rapidly inflation should be ended, Friedman felt that "for Chile where inflation is raging at 10–20% a month ... gradualism is not feasible. It would involve so painful an operation over so long a period that the patient would not survive." Choosing "a brief period of higher unemployment ..." was the lesser evil.. and that "the experience of Germany, ... of Brazil ..., of the post-war adjustment in the U.S. ... all argue for shock treatment". In the letter Friedman recommended to deliver the shock approach with "... a package to eliminate the surprise and to relieve acute distress" and "... for definiteness let me sketch the contents of a package proposal ... to be taken as illustrative" although his knowledge of Chile was "too limited to enable [him] to be precise or comprehensive". He listed a "sample proposal" of 8 monetary and fiscal measures including "the removal of as many as obstacles as possible that now hinder the private market. For example, suspend ... the present law against discharging employees". He closed, stating "Such a shock program could end inflation in months". His letter suggested that cutting spending to reduce the fiscal deficit would result in less transitional unemployment than raising taxes.
Sergio de Castro, a Chilean Chicago School graduate, became the nation's Minister of Finance in 1975. During his six-year tenure, foreign investment increased, restrictions were placed on striking and labor unions, and GDP rose yearly.[120] A foreign exchange program was created between the Catholic University of Chile and the University of Chicago. Many other Chicago School alumni were appointed government posts during and after the Pinochet years; others taught its economic doctrine at Chilean universities. They became known as the Chicago Boys.[121]
Friedman did not criticize Pinochet's dictatorship at the time, nor the assassinations, illegal imprisonments, torture, or other atrocities that were well-known by then.[122] In 1976 Friedman defended his unofficial adviser position with: "I do not consider it as evil for an economist to render technical economic advice to the Chilean Government, any more than I would regard it as evil for a physician to give technical medical advice to the Chilean Government to help end a medical plague."[123]
Friedman defended his activity in Chile on the grounds that, in his opinion, the adoption of free market policies not only improved the economic situation of Chile but also contributed to the amelioration of Pinochet's rule and to the eventual transition to a democratic government during 1990. That idea is included in Capitalism and Freedom, in which he declared that economic freedom is not only desirable in itself but is also a necessary condition for political freedom. In his 1980 documentary Free to Choose, he said the following: "Chile is not a politically free system, and I do not condone the system. But the people there are freer than the people in Communist societies because government plays a smaller role. ... The conditions of the people in the past few years has been getting better and not worse. They would be still better to get rid of the junta and to be able to have a free democratic system."[124][125] In 1984, Friedman stated that he has "never refrained from criticizing the political system in Chile."[118] In 1991 he said: "I have nothing good to say about the political regime that Pinochet imposed. It was a terrible political regime. The real miracle of Chile is not how well it has done economically; the real miracle of Chile is that a military junta was willing to go against its principles and support a free market regime designed by principled believers in a free market. ... In Chile, the drive for political freedom, that was generated by economic freedom and the resulting economic success, ultimately resulted in a referendum that introduced political democracy. Now, at long last, Chile has all three things: political freedom, human freedom and economic freedom. Chile will continue to be an interesting experiment to watch to see whether it can keep all three or whether, now that it has political freedom, that political freedom will tend to be used to destroy or reduce economic freedom."[126] He stressed that the lectures he gave in Chile were the same lectures he later gave in China and other socialist states.[127]
During the 2000 PBS documentary The Commanding Heights (based on the book), Friedman continued to argue that "free markets would undermine [Pinochet's] political centralization and political control.",[128][129] and that criticism over his role in Chile missed his main contention that freer markets resulted in freer people, and that Chile's unfree economy had caused the military government. Friedman advocated for free markets which undermined "political centralization and political control".[130]
Iceland
Friedman visited Iceland during the autumn of 1984, met with important Icelanders and gave a lecture at the University of Iceland on the "tyranny of the status quo." He participated in a lively television debate on August 31, 1984, with socialist intellectuals, including Ólafur Ragnar Grímsson, who later became the president of Iceland.[131] When they complained that a fee was charged for attending his lecture at the university and that, hitherto, lectures by visiting scholars had been free-of-charge, Friedman replied that previous lectures had not been free-of-charge in a meaningful sense: lectures always have related costs. What mattered was whether attendees or non-attendees covered those costs. Friedman thought that it was fairer that only those who attended paid. In this discussion Friedman also stated that he did not receive any money for delivering that lecture.
Estonia
Although Friedman never visited Estonia, his book Free to Choose exercised a great influence on that nation's then 32-year-old prime minister, Mart Laar, who has claimed that it was the only book on economics he had read before taking office. Laar's reforms are often credited with responsibility for transforming Estonia from an impoverished Soviet Republic to the "Baltic Tiger." A prime element of Laar's program was introduction of the flat tax. Laar won the 2006 Milton Friedman Prize for Advancing Liberty, awarded by the Cato Institute.[132]
United Kingdom
After 1950 Friedman was frequently invited to lecture in Britain, and by the 1970s his ideas had gained widespread attention in conservative circles. For example, he was a regular speaker at the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), a libertarian think tank. Conservative politician Margaret Thatcher closely followed IEA programs and ideas, and met Friedman there in 1978. He also strongly influenced Keith Joseph, who became Thatcher's senior advisor on economic affairs, as well as Alan Walters and Patrick Minford, two other key advisers. Major newspapers, including the Daily Telegraph, The Times, and The Financial Times all promulgated Friedman's monetarist ideas to British decision-makers. Friedman's ideas str
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